Law & Society Blog

Scott Horton has written a powerful essay on the moral and legal responsibilities of lawyers in a time of war. He begins his essay with a quote from Helmuth James von Moltke, a staff lawyer at the German defense ministry during WWII.

In France, innumerable summary executions occur, even as I sit here writing. Each day certainly more than a thousand people are killed, and thousands of German men experience murder as a matter of routine. And yet all of that is child’s play compared to what’s going on in Poland and Russia. Can I learn about this and just sit at the table in my heated apartment and drink tea? Don’t I establish my complicity simply by doing nothing? What will I say in the future, when someone asks me: and what did you do during this time? (Helmuth von Moltke, in a letter to his wife, Oct. 19, 1941)

Three years later, von Moltke was arrested by the Gestapo, sentenced to death by the Volksgerichtshof under the infamous Roland Freisler, and executed in early 1945, just a few months short of Germany’s unconditional surrender. Horton explains:

Disgusted by an atmosphere in which law was constantly subverted to political expedience, Moltke envisioned harsh prosecutions of politicians and lawyers who engaged in such antics as an essential purgative. In a draft dated June 14, 1943, Moltke envisioned a special international criminal tribunal to be convened at the conclusion of the Second World War for the purpose of bringing to justice those who violated the laws of war. Lest there be any doubt, it was principally the men he worked with every day in the Wehrmacht whose punishment he foresaw. In view of mounting evidence of a crime of genocide, and out of concern that international customary law failed yet to provide a medium for its punishment, he advocated an expansive posture for prosecution. “Any person who violates the essential principles of divine or natural law, of international law, or of international customary law in such a fashion that makes clear that he contemptuously disregards the binding nature of such law shall be punished,” he wrote in a plan for a post-war tribunal in 1943. … I come to the example of Moltke for another reason, namely that he very properly puts the emphasis not on the simple soldiers who invariably operate the weaponry of war, but on those who make the policies that drive their conduct. And in that process, his stern gaze falls first on the lawyers. In a proper society, the lawyers are the guardians of law, and in times of war, their role becomes solemn. Moltke challenges us to test the conduct of the lawyers. Do they show fidelity to the law? Do they recognize that the law of armed conflict, with its protections for disarmed combatants, for civilians and for detainees, reflects a particularly powerful type of law – as Jackson said “the basic building blocks of civilization”? Do they appreciate that in this area of law, above all others, the usual lawyerly tricks of dicing and splicing, of sophist subversion, cannot be tolerated? These are questions Moltke asked. They are questions that the US-led prosecution team in Nuremberg asked. They are questions that Americans should be asking today about the conduct of government lawyers who have seriously wounded, if not destroyed, the Geneva system.

If you only read one blog post today, make it Horton’s thoughtful, angry, courageous, and beautifully written essay dedicated to the memory of von Moltke.

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